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Page 2, Portland Observer, April 13, 1988 EDITORIAL / OPINION Along the Color Line OPINION The Long Ride Home by Nyewusi Askari Black person was the word 'nigger' In other words, where I lived, Black people were defined as niggers." I felt my jaws tighten. "W hat was a nigger in your community's esti mation?" I asked him. We rode in silence for a long time before he answered. "A Nigger was anyone who had black skin. Someone who was d if From the moment the cab picked me up in downtown Portland to take me to Northeast Portland, I knew the cab driver was going to engage me in a conversation about race. Adjusting the pay meter, he look ed straight at me and asked, "W hat do you people do in Northeast Port land?” "W hat do you mean 'you peo ple'?" Sensing that his question had caused me some discomfort, he backtracked. "I don't mean to sound like a racist or anything . . . When I say 'you people', I mean the colored people who live in Port land." I did not stare back at him. In fact, I barely heard his answer. I was too busy recalling the last time I had heard the words "Colored People." To make the recollection, I had to travel back in time and space — to the old South. Temporarily, I found myself fac ing signs that said "For white only," "For colored only," "For coloreds, animals and dogs." I could hear the voice of the white sheriff who screamed at my mother, "You colored people betta make sho y'all outta town befo sundown." Tem porarily, I recalled that the words "colored people" was merely a sub stitute word that meant "N igger." Determined to make the cab dri ver feel my displeasure at his using the term "colored," I asked him why did he use it and did he know that a large majority of Black people considered the term offensive. His face turned beet red. Strug gling to find the right words, he said, "You know, I've always won dered about that. In the town where I grew up, there were no Black people living there. The only thing I knew about 'em was what I had read and had been told. And, buddy, believe me, it wasn't too complimentary." "The first term I ever heard to describe a colored, er, I mean a ferent than us white kids. Some one we could kick around without feeling guilty about it. Someone we treated lowerthanadog. Some one we were taught to be afraid of. Someone we were taught not to tru st." "A re you afraid of me?" I asked. "You want an honest answer? Frankly speaking, yes, I am. I don't know who you are. You could be a dope dealer, a pimp, a robber." "W ell, what about the three- piece suit I'm wearing and the brief case I'm carrying?" "It don't mean nothing," he was quick to say. "M ost white people like myself are taught to judge you by your color. Right or wrong, that's the way it goes down. A lotta white people won't tell you this face to face. But you watch 'em close and you'll see their fear. You'll see it when you meet 'em walking down the street. Some will cross over to the other side. I have gotten many late evening calls from white w o men, in particular, who were afraid to walk to a bus stop, because a group of Black men were standing there waiting for the bus. Some white people won't even ride Tri- Met because they know Black peo ple will be on the buses. I know I'm prejudiced, but I ain't that bad. You go your way. I go mine. I don't mess with you. You don't mess with me . . . Don't you think that's good thinking for an ol' mid west white boy?" I didn't answer. I didn't want him to know how distressed he had made me feel He had made me feel like a nigger. PORTLAND OBSERVER "The Eyes and Ears of the Community" 288-0033 PORTLfiNÖ'b&ERVER OREGON'S OLDEST AFRICAN AMERICAN PUBLICATION Established in 1970 Alfred L. Henderson/Publisher Leon Harris/Gen. Mgr. PORTLAND OBSERVER is published weekly by Exie Publishing Company. Inc. 5011 N E. 26th Ave. Portland, Oregon 97211 P.O. Box 3137 Portland, Oregon 97208 Phone Number: (503) 288-0033 Leon Harris Editor Gary Ann Garnett Business Manager Lonnie Wells Nyewusi Askari Writer Distribution Mattie Ann Callier-Spears Steve Adams Art Director Religion Editor Arnold Pitre Fred Hembry Sales Representative Sports Rebecca Robinson Joyce Washington Typesetter/Production Sales Director Deadlines for all submitted materials Articles Monday 5 p m Ads Tuesday 5 pm Tha Portland Observer welcomes freelance submissions Manuscripts end photographs should be clearly labeled and will be returned if accomoenied by a self addressed envelope Subscriptions 115.00 per year in the Tri-County area The PORTLAND OBSERVER — Oregon s oldest African American Publication — is a member of The National Newspaper Association - Founded in 1885 The Oregon Newspaper Publishers Association and The National Advertising Representative Amalgamated Publishers Inc New York Nf Wj Civil Rights Journal Beniamin F. Chavis Jr. M anning M arable Jesse Jackson at the Crossroads Part II of a Two Part Series mocrats’ probable presidential no Jesse Jackson’s massive victory minee for 1992. Jackson will be left in the Michigan caucus late last out of the primary political "wheel month has raised the possibility of ing and dealing" because he Is per the Country Preacher winning the ceived as too far to the "left, and Democratic Presidential nomina also because he Is Black. We tion this year. Jackson campaign should expect some concessions manager Gerald Austin and Rain to the Rainbow In terms of the De bow Coalition leader Ron Daniels mocratic Party platform, and we have argued repeatedly that Jesse should press successfully for the has a mathematical possibility of selection of a list of Black, Hispa winning. But the political powers nic and progressive leaders who and corporate interests which exer would be appointed to high admi cise decisive influence within the nistrative office under a Dukakis Democratic Party did not create a presidency — such as Dr. Mary method of electoral participation Frances Berry as Attorney Gene which would allow the elevation of ral, Transafrlca's Randall Robin a progressive or Black candidate as son as Undersecretary of State for presidential nominee, regardless African Affairs, or Attorney Elea of the number of popular votes he nor Holmes to the Supreme Court. received. Party leaders have created a But there Is a second political “ superdelegates” category, con road available to Jackson, which sisting of 640 Congresspersons, Is filled with potential difficulties, Governors, and Democratic offi but would permit him to have a cials, who are not elected by the fundamental Impact upon the fu public, but who will participate at ture of American politics. Jack- the convention. Already, Dukakis is son could tell his voting consti quitely consolidating his base tuency what every white political among the superdelegates, push pundit knows — that he w ill pro ing the case that he is the only elec b a b ly n e v e r be g iv e n th e table candidate the Democrats Democratic presidential nomina have. Austin has counterattacked tion. He could explain candidly in e ffe c tiv e ly , c la im in g th a t that the American political sys “ fairness" will be a major issue in tem Is not designed to produce Atlanta. “ What (Jackson’s) saying fundamental alternatives In both is, ‘If I get the most popular votes or the primaries and the general most delegate votes and superde election. Despite an extensive legates are not voting as a reflec mobilization of m illions of Black, tion of those votes, that’s unfair,’ ” Hispanic and white voters behind Austin Insists. But there was the progressive and left populist nothing fair about the 1984 Demo economic and social agenda, the cratic Convention, when Jackson Democratic party would easily came In with nearly one fifth of the deny the nomination to the sole total popular vote and came out candidate who represents to a with only eleven percent of the final great extent a major departure delegate vote. This year's rules are from the sterile, anticommunist, only marginally more “ democratic" bipartisan policies and leadership than those employed four years who have dominated this country ago. Austin’s protests will per since the end of the Second World suade very few white Democratic War. Jackson should state unhe- leaders. sltantly that even If he somehow Jesse Jackson Is now at the po emerged with the Democratic litical crossroads. One route could presidential nomination, both ma take him even further down the jor parities would conspire to road toward political moderation, derail his election. from the viewpoint of Democratic The real value to this electoral powerbrokers and the media. The mobilization Is in Its capacity to Impulse to project himself as a elevate key progressive public po “’serious” candidate who has a rea licies which the mainstream of sonable chance at winning the no the Democratic Party would un- mination has already watered down several progressive policy posi cerlmonlously bury In its futile ef fort to promulgate a type of tions Jackson had taken previously “ Reaganlsm with a Human Face." on the Mideast as well as other The Rainbow challenge repre issues. Black Democratic leaders sents an assault against the con like California’s Willie Brown are servative trend within the Demo uniting behind Jackson largely for cratic ranks, as well as a logical, narrow, opportunistic reasons. electoral extension of the more They know that their exhortations progressive elements of the Civil against Jesse backfired dismally In Rights Movement. But one of the 1984, and they stood little chance significant lessons of that move to derail the Rainbow’s momentum ment was the realization of the In 1988. By embracing Jackson, basic lim ita tions of electoral they are doing what their Black con polltcs. Martin Luther King, Jr., stituents expect them to do. But It and Malcolm X never ran for elec represents neither a change of poli tive office, yet they were able to tical ideologies, nor any kind of exercise a powerful Impact upon c o m m itm e n t to p ro g re s s iv e Black American history. change beyond this specific cam Jackson has a sim ilar oppor paign. In this contest, Coleman tunity to alter the course of politi Young's endorsement of Dukakis cal and social history, If he recog was at least an honest display of nizes the necessity to build a per his own backward and bankrupt po manent structure and movement litics. Many Black officials are less outside the Democratic Party to politically honest. advance his public policy posi Jackson and the Rainbow Coali tions and political ideals. No mat tion will go to Atlanta with great ex ter what the outcome of the the pectations, only to discover per November election this year, haps that the "real deal" which most of the policies pursued by selects the presidential nominee the new administration and Con already has been cut. At one level gress next year will probably not It’s a question of simple arithmetic. Even If Dukakis Is successful In differ substantively from those winning this month's New York Pri legislative Initiatives taken during 1987-1988. To break the two party mary, and the Important Ohio, New monopoly over the democratic Jersey, and California primaries process, we must establish a per later this spring, he will probably manent Rainbow political bloc fall short of the delegate total re outside of the Democratic Party, quired for nomination. If so, there which has the capacity to or are at least two ways which Duka ganize voters, to lobby legislative kis can secure the nomination which are denied to Jackson. One o ffic ia ls , to picket and lead way would be through the super- demonstrations, and to educate delegates’ bloc of votes. The other the masses of people In the tools maneuver would be to give the vice of the political process. This ap presidency to Al Gore, who would proach takes a protracted, long probably come to the Atlanta con term view of the democratic strug vention about 600 delegates. Gore gle which must be waged against w ould accept the offe r, be- both major political parties, as cause/even if the Dukakis-Gore ti well as those elitist and powerful cket lost In the general election, the See “ Jackson" — Page 3 race would catapult him as the De The Assassination of Julian Pierce An assassination Is always painful. It Is particularly painful when It takes from us a leader who was beloved by his people and whose potential was so vibrant. Julian Pierce, a Lumbee Indian at torney and activist In Robeson County, North Carolina, was just such a man. He was killed on March 26th of this year. Atty. Pierce had decided to run fora newly created Superior Court judgeship In the May primary. It was a dangerous decision. For this Is a county In which drug cor ruption reputedly reaches even In to the offices of the sheriff and other local officials. In addition, Pierce’s opponent was Joe Free man Britt, an established member of the power structure that runs the county. Mr. Britt Is the current District Attorney and holds the world’s record for sending more people to death row — primarily Native American and African American — than anyone else. In fact, he’s in the Gulness Book of World Records for this dubious distinction. Together, the Native American and African American popula tions make up 58% of Robeson County. Dexter Locklear, finance committee chairman for Pierce's campaign, noted that the passage of a recent school referendum showed the potential of the com bined strength of the Native American and African American votes. Through Julian Pierce’s candidacy, that coalition would have been strengthened even more. Who was this man and why did someone feel he was so danger ous that he was shot-gunned to death In his own home? Pierce was born and raised In neighbor ing Hoke County, graduated from college to become a chemist and then returned for his law degree. After receiving his master's de gree In tax law from Georgetown University he worked with the Securities and Exchange Com mission In Washington, D.C. Atty. Pierce could have staye In Washington, earning a con forable living and working decer hours. Instead, he made the dec sion to return home to help en power his people. In 1978 he b< came the first director of Lumbe River Legal Services, formed t provide legal aid to the poor of th area. Atty. Pierce prepared the pet tlon for official Federal recogn tlon of the Lumbee Nation whic would give them control over the community and Its economic dt velopment. Pierce was also calls' upon to assist with numerou cases of unsolved murders of Nc five Americans and African Amt rlcans, some even Involving th< local police. However, Julian Pierce was no only Involved In the law; rather, hi participated in the entire life of hi: community. He was Instruments In organizing and served as chali man of the Robeson Count; Health Corporation which ope ra te d m e d ic a l c lin ic s in i Robeson County towns. He alst served as chairman and chle fund-raiser for an on-going out door play which dramatically ex poses the oppression of the Lum bee community while reinforcing the beauty and strength of thel culture. The unceasing energy commitment and brilliance of Ju Han Pierce touched all segments of the Lumbee community. Yes, Julian Pierce was a power ful force in his community. Dextei Locklear, his campaign aide, em phaslzed this when he said “ [Julian’s death] Is going to rally people together. This w ill make the Indian people stronger.” The time has come when all Americans must stand together against all forms of racial In justice. The continued oppres sion of Native Americans — one of the gravest examples of racial Injustice — must be challenged until the victory of freedom and justice Is won. OPINION by Dr. Jamil Cherovee Child Psychology I’m Inclined to believe every Black parent In Amerlka should read “ The Developmental Psy chology of the Black Child" by Amos N. Wilson. One of the major oppressive forces In Amerlkan society Is the myth of Black In feriority. Caucasoid supremacy Is so pervasive a system that Its vic tims often Internalize these no tions of Inferiority and suffer from feelings of low self-esteem and self-hate. Studies have shown that this negative self-image begins in the early years of life. The literature on child care, psychology and development is vast. Not surpris ingly, it Is addressed to the child ren of caucasold Amerika a lit tle, If any, mention Is every made of the reality of growing up Black In a racist society. For the most part, the Black child experience is missing from the pages of works on child psychology. It Is only within the recent years that works dealing sp e c ific a lly w ith the Black child have been published. “ The Black Child: A Parent Guide” by Phillis Harrison-Ross and Barbara Wyden; "Black Child Care" by James P. Comer and Al vin F. Poussaint; and “ The Black Parents’ Handbook" by Clara J. McLaughlin are three such books written by Black authors. The work reviewed, virtually Ignored by the media, deserves a wide readership. Black parents, educators, so cial workers, counselors, socio logists, psychologists and vir tually anyone concerned with the future of the Black family w ill find “ The Developmental Psychology of the Black C hild" by Amos N. W ilson an Important, tim ely and provocative work. In the Introduc tion the author states his aim to “ examine areas of critical dif ferences between Black and Caucasian c h ild re n " and fo r mulates his thesis: “ Far more so than any other ethnic child the shape of the Black child's In tellect and personality Is deter mined by the concept of race, race awareness, and race politics, econmlcs, propaganda, etc., and psychology which falls to treat these Items as major personality and mental variables Is not ade quate to deal with the Black child. This has been the greatest failure of American developmental, edu c a tio n a l and c lin ic a l psychology.” In nine Informative and stimu lating chapters, Wilson demon strates the validity of his thesis. A wide range of topics Is discussed from the prenatal period to scho larly yet highly readable fashion. In n o va tive re co m m e n d a tio n s follow each chapter along with an excellent list of sources for fur ther reading. The chapter on the prenatal period discusses the link between em otional stress on Black mothers snd birth com pli cations. Lack of adequate hous ing,economic problems, marrital problems and overall deprivation tend to keep Black mothers in a state of chronic anxiety and have devastating e ffe cts on many Black births. Wilson points out See "Psychology" — Page 4